By 1965 Kim Il-song (the former Dear Leader) decided to establish an indigenous missile capability when the Soviets refused to provide ballistic missiles. However, the Soviet Union soon began supplying rockets and component technologies exposing DPRK engineers to basic missile technologies. (Daniel Pinkston offers a short, readable history here.)
By the 1970s they were accumulating as much rocket and missile technology as possible and soon discovered that missiles and associated technologies could be a lucrative business in a country without other commercial appeal. Pakistan and Iran, for example, have paid for technical assistance on their own long-range missile projects, which are derivatives of the Taepodong 2. For example, Iran's Shahab-5/6 is based primarily on this North Korean design. Missilethreat.com reports the missile was offered for sale to a number of Middle Eastern countries, including Iran. The longstanding willingness of Iran, Pakistan, and others to pay for unproven missile systems is a testament both to their eagerness to arm and to the degree to which North Korea has succeeded, Potemkin-like, in marketing deeply flawed systems.
Gradually, it became clear to North Korean leaders that despite proven technical limitations, missiles and other weapons could win this isolated, backward country a new lease on international relevance. This was so not because they were a nation with inherently attractive economic or cultural qualities but as a spoiler whose misbehavior was a distraction that had to be taken seriously. Later, North Korea extended this theory of statecraft to other weapons. Creating plutonium production reactors and reprocessing facilities and a uranium enrichment program led to a small inventory of fissile material, enabling North Korea to manage partial detonation of small nuclear device on October 9, 2006. But most assess that DPRK engineers have not likely succeeded in miniaturizing and mating a nuclear bomb to one of its missiles or to survive reentry.
During the April 5 launch, the Frankensteinian Taepodong 2 rocket's second and third booster stages and payload fell into the Pacific Ocean in failure to transition from one stage of boost to the next. ( North Korea previously failed in a Taepodong 2 launch on July 5, 2006, when due to airframe, propulsion, or fuel failure, the missile self-destructed some 40 seconds into flight.) Given this history, General Cartwright, the Vice Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, noted appropriately that the April 5 the missile launch failed on two counts: proving that North Korea could build an intercontinental ballistic missile and proving it had a product it could sell.
These launches are not missile tests at all, in the engineering sense, but tantrums. That they are effective is manifestly evident in the mention by President Obama in his Prague speech:
"Just this morning, we were reminded again of why we need a new and more rigorous approach to address this threat. North Korea broke the rules once again by testing a rocket that could be used for long range missiles. This provocation underscores the need for action."
Action, broadly speaking, is the Dear Leader's fondest desire, for he craves attention, resources, and respect. To state the obvious general point, military technologies exist for their own sake to be sure, but also for the political advantages they accrue. Motivated by commercial and political gain, the North Koreans will continue to make engineering progress on the Taepodong 2.
Whether the system will become a militarily useful element of a national arsenal remains unknown. Beyond this, an interesting an ill-understood dimension this story reveals is the ambiguous relationship between political, military, and economic motives for developing advanced weapons. These motives certainly co-exist in the development of all weapons by all countries. In the case of the North Korean Taepodong 2, they are more accessible because they are more stark.
Understanding the interplay of these motives is a necessary precondition for successfully de-fanging the dangerous North Korean regime to be sure, but could also provide a useful insight into this opaque strategic culture and the military technology innovation system it has spawned.

